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April 2003
Volume 17,
Number 4

Read a Certified Public Accountant's examination of why tax reform never works!



David Boaz is executive vice president of the Cato Institute.

The Death Tax for the Other 98 Percent A new study from the Federal Reserve says that the wealth gap between rich and poor grew wider as the stock market boomed in the late 1990s. The most obvious reason is that more than half of all American families now own stocks either directly or indirectly — but almost half don't.

That means that when the stock market rises, the gap between the stock owning half and the non-investing half grows. How to close the wealth gap? Bring more Americans into the investor class. President Bush's plan to let younger workers invest their Social Security taxes in stocks, bonds, or other private assets would do that.

Social Security modernization would not just help all working Americans become investors, it would help end the Social Security death tax.

Pollsters are often mystified by the unpopularity of the estate tax — lately renamed the "death tax." How, they ask, can so many people object to a tax that falls on only a few rich people? They have a point.

What everyone seems to have missed, though, is that there is a death tax that affects every working American. It's called Social Security.

Every year, every American worker pays 12.4% of his income to the Social Security system. Workers may not realize this, since the money is taken out of their paychecks in advance. (That's what FICA means on your paycheck.) And half the tax is concealed by pretending that the employer pays it — but economists agree that a tax on wages ultimately comes out of the worker's pocket.

When a worker retires after paying 12.4% of wages for years, he or she gets a monthly Social Security check. The return isn't very good, but at least there's a check (so far). But look what happens when the worker dies: after paying in for all those years, the worker owns nothing. He can't leave anything to his children.

In short, Social Security imposes a 100% death tax on every working American. The money he "saved" all those years disappears.

And there's considerable money involved. Take a thirtysomething couple earning $54,000 a year. Social Security promises to pay them about $27,000 a year (in today's dollars) when they retire — if Social Security still has any money. But when they die, that income stops, and there's no estate to leave to their children. (Of course they may have saved other assets, but the Social Security assets would not survive them.) On the other hand, if they had been putting those Social Security taxes into a retirement fund divided between stocks and bonds, they could expect to have nearly $1 million in their personal retirement account at retirement. That fund would pay them an annual income more than double what Social Security promises, and they would still have $1 million to leave to their children — or their church or favorite charity — at their deaths.

If that couple invested solely in stocks, though exposed to greater short-term risk, they could expect to have even more money — $1.6 million. That's what the Social Security death tax costs a working couple. If they were allowed to put 12.4% of their income into real investments, they could accumulate as much as $1 million or more — and the Social Security death tax takes it all.

Reform that would allow younger workers to put their Social Security taxes into personal retirement accounts would end the Social Security death tax — the tax that hits every working American — and dramatically narrow the wealth gap. — David Boaz

R.W. Bradford is editor and publisher of Liberty.

Tax it all One law of politics is that every level of government always wants more money. Ever since the 1930s, when the sales tax was invented to replace property taxes — which people simply could not afford to pay — as the basic way of funding state government, the states have sought to extend the tax as far as possible. They have succeeded in extending it in many ways, but one kind of transaction has remained exempt: the purchase of goods by the citizen of one state from a citizen (or business) of another state. That's why, for example, unless you live in Maine, you don't have to pay sales tax when you buy stuff from L.L. Bean.

Tax raisers have run into a brick wall in the form of Article 1, Section 8 of the U.S. Constitution, which grants to Congress the power "to regulate commerce. . . . among the several states." The Supreme Court has repeatedly ruled that unless Congress gives the states the right to tax interstate transactions, the states cannot tax them. And Congress has never done so.

The states have cleverly worked around this by enacting "use" taxes, taxes on goods or services purchased in interstate commerce. Unlike the sales tax, it is not exacted of merchants, but of consumers themselves. If, for example, you buy a new down jacket from L.L. Bean and you live in California, you are supposed to obtain a "use tax return" from the state, fill in the details of your purchase, and remit the use tax to the state.

Of course, virtually no one does this, and enforcing the law against individuals is too complicated and would yield too little revenue to make it worthwhile. (A state sales and use tax enforcer once told me that the law is only really enforced against businesses and, occasionally, against people the state "wants to get.")

Part of the reason why Congress has been unwilling to enact a law authorizing state taxation of interstate commerce is that many very small mail-order concerns would, in effect, be put out of business by it. The reason is that figuring out the rate to charge is very complicated. Sales taxes are authorized by 45 of the 50 states and the District of Columbia. But don't get the idea that there are just 46 sets of rules and regulations a mail order merchant would have to learn. Many states have authorized cities, counties, school districts and even transit districts to enact their own sales taxes. There are about 7,600 different sales tax jurisdictions in the U.S., and they frequently change their tax rates and rules about what is exempt. It would be a huge burden on a large business like L.L. Bean to keep track of all the different rates and the boundaries of different taxing authorities — and an impossible burden on smaller merchants.

Recently, however, several state governors have organized the Streamline Sales Tax Project. The idea is to reduce the overwhelming complexity of the tax, so that they will have better luck lobbying Congress to authorize taxation of interstate sales.

Here's the lesson of all this: the only way to get politicians to simplify taxes, is to convince them that simplification will enable them to raise the things. — R.W. Bradford

Death and taxes David Boaz wonders above why "so many people object to a tax that falls on only a few rich people." He's talking about the tax on property that a person attempts to leave to his heirs. I think part of the reason is the manifest unfairness of it all.

Here is how the system works: a person works his entire life and, thanks to some combination of his own perspicacity, hard work, prudence, and good fortune, he saves a substantial amount of money. Along the way, he pays income tax on every dime he earns. This is a not inconsiderable sum: depending upon the jurisdiction in which he lives, such a person may pay income taxes totalling more than 50% of his income. Some people who are middle aged today have paid as much as 90% of their income in taxes.

Well, this exemplary person dies, and if, thanks to his thrift or good fortune, he has retained a substantial amount of his earnings and wants to leave it to his family, the taxman thereupon demands that his estate turn over to the government as much as 55% of the savings upon which he has already paid income taxes of as much as 90%.

This is, I believe, patently and obviously unfair. I suspect that's why the arguments to keep the death tax are almost always nothing more than blatant "screw-the-rich" rhetoric. Envy may be widespread, but most people do not regard it as a virtue, despite the efforts of the political class.

I am also a bit surprised that opponents of the death tax seldom use arguments based on fairness. Bush and his allies have framed the current debate on elimination of taxation on dividends primarily on the theory that doing away with the tax would stimulate the economy. This is a dubious argument at best. An appeal to fairness would be much more persuasive: after a corporation pays income tax on its earnings, why should its stockholders (the owners of the corporation) have to pay income tax on the same earnings when they are distributed to them?

There is another aspect of death taxes that I've never heard discussed: ultimately, they are a tax on productive capital. Consider how one can avoid these taxes. There are only two ways: you can give your money to a government-certified, government-regulated charity or you can spend it on consumer goods for yourself.

You cannot give it (or at least very much of it) to your children without paying a "gift tax," a tax that was established for the explicit purpose of keeping people from avoiding death taxes. Indeed, Uncle Sam is so worried that he won't be able to confiscate most of your estate that he piles on extra taxes if you try to leave it to your grandkids.

Think about that. Suppose you are 90 years old and have managed to save $900,000. Your only son is 68 years old and has terminal cancer. If you revise your will to leave your estate to your grandchildren, Uncle Sam deems this an attempt to reduce your tax by "generation skipping" — that is, denying him a chance to take a bite out of it when you die and another bite out of it when your son succumbs to cancer. (Leaving property to a grandkid is considered a "loophole," you know, and is therefore evil.)

That leaves the other way in which the elderly can dispose of their money without incurring taxes or turning it over to a government-certified and government-regulated "charity." They can spend it on themselves. Not that they can do anything lasting with it — if they buy real estate or art or a new car or securities or any kind of property, this property becomes part of their estate and is subject to the same tax.

What they can do is spend it on services and products that they consume immediately. If you've ever wondered why luxury cruise ships are so full of old people, you might want to remember this.

So one effect of this manifestly unfair tax is to encourage people to remove their assets from the world's stock of working capital and spend it on extravagant personal indulgences. This makes the world a substantially less prosperous place.

The death tax also has a powerful effect toward centralizing the economy into the hands of major corporations. If a family-owned small business is successful at all, it quickly becomes valuable enough to incur substantial death duties when its owner dies. The only way they can be paid is if the business, or part of it, is sold to raise cash.

The newspaper in the small town where I grew up, for example, is now part of a national chain owned by an international media corporation. So is the radio station. Many of the farms in the surrounding area that were family-owned when I was a kid are now owned by so-called "agri-businesses." The timberlands that surround the town where I now live are mostly owned by huge lumber companies.

Most people think that the corporatization and centralization of ownership is not a good thing. Yet the single biggest reason why it happens is the death tax. Most of the people I know of who have sold out their successful small business to some major national company did so either because a death tax was due or was inevitably coming due.

I suspect that most people who decry economic centralization and control and big business haven't figured out that death taxes inexorably lead to control by big corporations.

This is another of the prices we pay for screwing the rich. — R.W. Bradford

© Copyright 2008, Liberty Foundation


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