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"Occidentalism," by Ian Buruma and Avishai
Margalit. Penguin, 2004, 160 pages.
Occidents Happen by Eric Kenning
In 1948, Sayyid Qutb, an Egyptian Islamic fundamentalist
who became a major influence on Osama bin Laden, visited America and was
horrified. All the conversation in New York was about "money, movie stars or car
models" (this is no longer the case car models have been replaced by real
estate). He recoiled from the racy clothing, banter, and manners of city women.
And a church dance in Greeley, Colo., sent him into shock, as young women
abandoned themselves to the seductive rhythms of "Baby, It's Cold Outside." Back
in Egypt, instead of simply joining the Brotherhood of People with
Unpronounceable Names, he joined the shadowy Muslim Brotherhood, which aimed to
establish an Islamic theocracy, becoming its chief theorist and martyr (he did
most of his writing in jail before Nasser finally executed him).
| | Eric
Kenning is a freelance writer living in New York.
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Qutb's reaction to New York and its saucy women doesn't seem substantially
different from the patented Whore of Babylon reaction of home-grown
fundamentalists like Billy Sunday, Billy Graham, or Jerry Falwell. But according
to Ian Buruma and Avishai Margalit in this short, ambitious, interesting, and
somewhat misdirected book, Qutb and bin Laden don't primarily represent religious
fundamentalism, not even a particularly rabid and brutal Islamic jihadist
division of it. What they really are is the latest incarnation of
"Occidentalism," an anti-liberal, anti-Western ideology that, like a horror-movie
vampire, apparently keeps being killed off by the forces of reason and democracy
only to rise from its grave and sink its fangs into us again.
Even if Buruma and Margalit are right in thinking that it's Occidentalism
that we're up against, which I doubt, we might stand a better chance of zeroing
in on it and defeating it once and for all if it had a catchier name. Since
occident is Latin for west, Occidentalism sounds like it should be a pretentious
Westernizing movement in non-Western countries. But the authors are academics
(Buruma at Bard College in upstate New York, Margalit at Hebrew University in
Jerusalem) who feel obliged to turn the tables on "Orientalism," the academically
in-fluential 1976 book by Edward Said, which upbraided Western scholars and
writers for perpetuating prejudices and stereotypes about the exotic, sensual,
puritanical, despotic, languid, warlike, honor-bound, and devious inhabitants of
the East. |
| A church dance in
Greeley, Colo., sent Qutb into shock, as young women abandoned themselves to the
seductive rhythms of "Baby, It's Cold Outside." |
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So Occidentalism would be a set of hostile prejudices and stereotypes about
the modern liberal West, where life is mechanical, materialist, calculating, and
soulless, reducing everything to standardized mediocrity and numbers, counting
heads in democracy, dollars in capitalism. The West is inauthentic and shallow
and unheroic, marked by caution and comfort, the ideals of merchants and soft,
possession-crazed consumers. Its entertainment is trivial and degrading, its art
decadent. But the culture of (fill in the blank with your own authentic country
or ethnic or religious group) is organic and profound, rooted in the soil and
peasant simplicity and warrior heroism, in religion and honor and ancient custom.
It puts spiritual values and art and poetry over money and material comfort, and
it is austere and self-sacrificing, despising greed, luxury, and
self-indulgence.
The authors demonstrate that this set of contrasting stereotypes was passed on
for 200 years more or less intact, like a treasured heirloom or explosive device,
from one culture to another, thus refuting (though they don't point this out) its
own premise, which is that everything in authentic cultures is deeply rooted in
the soil and native tradition. The "Occidentalist" contrast first surfaced in
Germany, where most writers and intellectuals had initially welcomed the
universalist ideals of the French Enlightenment, just as Frederick the Great
welcomed Voltaire to Potsdam. But they began having second thoughts when
revolutionary armies and Napoleon's legions seemed to be merely shoving French
cultural preferences down German throats, turning what had been an ideal of
anti-fanaticism and tolerance into a kind of rationalist jihad.
| The authors interrogate
their suspects just long enough to get the Occidentalist confessions they're
looking for. |
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The most intriguing response came from philosophical historian Johann
Gottfried von Herder, whom Buruma and Margalit discuss as if he fit their
Occidentalist profile, though he doesn't. Herder wasn't a nationalist who
believed in the superiority of German or any other culture. He was a kind of
libertarian traditionalist with, in Isaiah Berlin's words, "his acute dislike for
political coercion, empires, political authority, and all forms of imposed
organization." He believed that cultures had a specific individuality, and that
to understand other cultures (or periods of history) you needed sympathetic
imagination, not just facts and analyses. Once you understand them, you see that
they're not just defective versions of yourselves. Different cultures should be
valued and preserved as great works of art are valued and preserved, for their
unique creativity and individuality. If Herder were around today, he'd be a
familiar figure, making documentary films about South American rain forest tribal
cultures and displaying STOP GLOBALIZATION and FREE TIBET and U.S. OUT OF IRAQ
bumper stickers on his Volkswagen.
But other German writers reacted to the French intrusions with
self-congratulatory notions of German metaphysical depth and folkish purity, and
the authors' basic Occidentalist template was born. By the mid-19th century it
was translated into Russian and taken up by the Slavophiles, who used it against
everything to the west of Russia (including Germany) on behalf of the mystical
Russian nation and the Russian Orthodox Church. In the 1930sÐ40s, it was picked
up by Japanese nationalists, who used it against everything to the west of Japan
(including Russia) on behalf of the sacred imperial mission to purify Asia of
imperialism. It can be detected among Maoist Chinese and Cambo-dian Communists,
who used it against everything foreign and capitalist and bourgeois (including
Japan) on behalf of communal peasant purity. Finally, the authors think it turned
up again among Islamic fundamentalists, who have used it against all infidels
(including Communists, but especially Americans and Israelis) on behalf of an
ideally purified, back-to-the-7th-century Islamic community.
Because "Occidentalism" is arranged by touchstone themes ("The Occidental
City," "Heroes and Merchants"), not chronologically and historically, Buruma and
Margalit dart back and forth between cloudy Germans and gloomy Russians and
fervent Japanese and robotic Maoists and rancorous Arabs, leaping whole
continents and centuries in a single bound. It's a method good for turning up
similarities, not so good for respecting differences. They don't spend enough
time with anyone to register differences. They interrogate their suspects just
long enough to get the Occidentalist confessions they're looking for.
| Cultures are always
eclectic, platypus-like creatures, patched together out of trade and religious
conversion and curiosity and envy and aesthetic imitation.
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So they're happy to find an Arab here and a Persian there who picked up the
Occidentalist script during a Western education or while browsing in translated
European novels. They don't ask if Qutb or bin Laden ever heard of these European
ideas, let alone whether they were more influenced by them than by their
interpretations, warped or not, of the Koran and its doctrine of jihad. They
don't concern themselves with the differences between militant Islam, which even
at its narrowest and nastiest has no theory of racial or ethnic superiority, and
German National Socialism and Japanese militarism, which did, or the differences
between apostles of cultural diversity like Herder and frothing xenophobic
nationalists. And apart from a brief mention of Tocqueville, they don't
acknowledge how many of the Occidentalist criticisms of the alleged soulless
commercialism and artless mechanical monotony of modern life, the loss of heroism
or individuality or spiritual depth, were echoed by eminent writers and artists
who were living in liberal Western societies.
By not assessing what might be called the (more or less) loyal imaginative
opposition in Western societies, the authors risk making their schematic
division, "the West" versus "Occidentalism," a George W. Bush-caliber "You're
either with us, or you're with them" Manichaean proposition (which they say they
want to avoid). William Blake saw "marks of weakness, marks of woe" on every face
in every London street, and Frank Lloyd Wright hated congested modern cities and
sought a spaced-out organic architecture that would do away with them. So were
Blake and Wright (or the agrarian idealist Thomas Jefferson) Occidentalists
trying to stamp out "The Occidental City"? Wordsworth lamented the "getting and
spending" treadmill of modern life, Thoreau and Whitman and William James
denounced their fellow Americans for their cult of money and possessions and
success, English writers like John Ruskin, William Morris, G.K. Chesterton, and
Hilaire Belloc sought some version or other of the organic, craft-guild society
of the Middle Ages, and the southern American writers known as the Fugitives,
like Richard Weaver, John Crowe Ransom, and Allen Tate, were nostalgic for
traditional poetry and agrarian virtue. None of them had the hellbent fanaticism
of what Buruma and Margalit call Occidentalism, the willingness to use total
state control and total war to dismantle liberal modernity, but they sounded some
of the same notes (as did, more vehemently, D.H. Lawrence, or Continental writers
like Nietzsche, Dostoevsky, and Tolstoy). The authors are trying to define
Occidentalism by theme, and it doesn't quite work.
They might have had better luck by writing a book not about a recurrent
polemical contagion among incompatible fanatics called Occidentalism but about
the pathological political-religious quest for purity in modern life. It's
something that religious fundamentalists and xenophobic nationalists have in
common: the pursuit of a mythic purity of origins. Extreme nationalists, Nazis,
fascists, Maoists and other devout Marxists, fundamentalists, and the more
deranged sort of environmentalists are all obsessed with purity (the original
purity of race, nation, peasant life, primitive communism, undefiled nature,
etc.). Democracy and market capitalism are very human, which is to say very
messy, muddled, competitive, compromising, inconsistent, and impure. Religious
fundamentalists have deluded notions about the pure divine origins of their
religions, which actually always begin as amalgams of previous religions, myths,
and superstitions. The "Occidentalist" subjects of this book had a deluded notion
of the organic purity of culture. Cultures are always eclectic, platypus-like
creatures, patched together out of trade and religious conversion and curiosity
and envy and aesthetic imitation. Cultures throughout history have tended to leak
like sieves and absorb like sponges. Even Tibet, isolated by the highest
mountains in the world, got its Buddhist religion from India, some of its customs
and costumes from China, and its lama system from its 17th-century political and
religious Mongolian connections. When threatened by the scientific skepticism and
pluralism and market-driven innovations of liberal modernity, traditional
societies, institutions, and religions, along with assorted idealists and
crackpots, seem to retreat into myths of purity. There's a book to be written
about it, and it might have been this book, if it had been a little longer and
deeper.
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