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January 2006
Volume 20,
Number 1

  Regulation  

I Vote Against Liberty

by Jane S. Shaw

Can you accomplish anything in politics — even on the planning board of a small town — without checking your ideals at the door?


Fifteen years ago, Klein Gilhousen, a founder of Qualcomm, was looking for a town that he and his family could live in while he continued to work in San Diego. He sought a university town with an electrical engineering college that was not close to a big city, but had adequate air transportation, and was near good skiing. Bozeman, Mont., was the only place in the country that fit, he says, and he and his family have been here since 1991.

Jane S. Shaw is a Senior Fellowof PERC — The Center for Free Market Environmentalism in Bozeman, Mont.

The town may not be famous, but with its proximity to Yellowstone Park, blue-ribbon trout streams, and ski resort, Bozeman has cachet. It is a western "latte town," to use David Brooks' label — a small university town in a beautiful setting that attracts affluent urban refugees. (Burlington, Vt., is Brooks' prototype, but latte towns are scattered across the West.) Bozeman has a population of 30,000 plus about 10,000 students at Montana State University.

Situated on a broad plain and surrounded by mountains, Bozeman appeals to outsiders weary of noise, traffic, crime, and bustle. But Bozeman is no Aspen, partly because billionaires prefer Big Sky, the ski resort about 50 miles south. And because Montana State University is grounded in agriculture and technology (unlike the "dancing school over the hill" — the University of Montana in Missoula), it is slightly more conservative than many college campuses. Although housing prices are rising fast (the median price of a house in 2004 was $245,000), Bozeman still has some small-town feeling, a family atmosphere, and working-class families. The average per-capita income is $16,104, compared to $21,587 nationally.

But Bozeman's attractiveness means growth, and growth is a political hot potato. Bozeman seesaws from left to right and back. University-affiliated people are mostly on the Left, and many are what we used to call the "granola" Left — people romantically involved with the outdoors, suspicious of capitalism in general and of old Montana businesses such as mining and logging in particular. Since I moved here in 1984, new "granolas" have appeared, setting up branch offices for the Wilderness Society, the Sierra Club, and other environmental groups, and even the home office of American Wildlands.

On the other side of the political fence are developers, old-fashioned conservatives, working people, and entrepreneurs (though plenty of Chamber of Commerce types are on the left). There's also two libertarian environmental organizations: PERC, the Property and Environment Research Center, which I work for, and FREE, the Foundation for Research in Economics and the Environment. Business booms here, as it does in most latte towns, and many of the businesses are small firms nobody has heard of. Until a decade or so ago, most children of Bozeman families had to search for jobs elsewhere after college, but that seems to have changed.

By the time I voted on affordable housing, I was already an old hand at compromising my principles.

About nine months ago, I became a member of Bozeman's planning board, which, typical of small-town planning boards, writes and updates the 20-year plan that is supposed to guide its growth and advises the city commission on whether proposed subdivisions are consistent with the existing plan. Zoning is the province of another commission.

We meet twice a month, usually to go over plans for subdividing property. So far, we have mostly rubber-stamped what the city's planning department (the professionals) have already decided. Then we send on our recommendations to the zoning commission, which sometimes overturns them; I'm not exactly sure why.

I've learned a few things from my experience on the board.

First, development in Bozeman is micromanaged to the nth degree. Developers run what seems like an interminable gauntlet of pre-applications and actual applications, reviewed by both us and the City Commission, and they are allowed to do this only after many hours of dealing with the city's planning department.

They must meet an impressive array of "exactions." A typical development will have very specific requirements for open space, dedicated parkland, trails, and bicycle paths, not to mention setbacks from watercourses and mitigation of "jurisdictional" wetlands. And the developer almost always has to build a road, or at least half a road: the city counts on the property owner on the other side of the road to pay for half, too. This doesn't always work out, especially if the other owner is the county.

Bozeman's Unified Development Ordinance, which codifies its comprehensive plan, is all about smart growth. Written at a time when the "granolas" held sway, the plan promotes high-density housing, urban infill, narrow streets, garages at the back (accessible by alleyways), and front porches. We don't have "mass transit" here, but it's on its way. The plan also specifies future nodes of commercial activity.

Requirements are both comprehensive and detailed. A few years ago a developer of low-cost housing said that he started preparing two housing developments at the same time. The one in Bozeman's suburb, Belgrade, was completed before the foundations were poured for the Bozeman project. Not too long ago, the planning board had to vote on hiding mechanical equipment with vegetation. Doing so was already required; the vote was to decide if the vegetation had to be evergreen or if it could be deciduous. (I was absent when the vote took place and don't know how it turned out.)

Developers mostly smile and agree to whatever they are asked. After all, in return for tolerating bureaucratic demands, builders get high density (at least six units per acre) and the opportunity to sell in a rising market. Some members of the public, however, have become embarrassed by rising housing prices, and a few years ago they successfully pushed for an "affordable housing policy."

The downtowners quickly asked the city to adopt an ordinance that excludes any first-floor business other than retail. And I voted for it. I restricted freedom.

The city's affordable housing policy (which economist Robert Nelson likes to call "guilt relief") can be easily summarized: developers must set aside 10% of their subdivided land for smaller-than-normal lots, and the houses on these "restricted size lots" have to be smaller, too. That's it. That's the plan. (Of course, there are some specifications to the plan: the maximum size lot is 5,000 square feet for a detached home and 3,000 square feet for a townhome. And the house can't take up more than about a third of the lot.)

You don't have to be an economist to realize that small lots in a fast-growing city are likely to be purchased at just slightly lower prices than large lots. Indeed, with many "snowbirds" inhabiting Bozeman, such a lot could easily provide a pied ˆ terre for well-off part-time residents. On a per-square-foot basis, these lots may well end up being more expensive than the normal lots. Given the low per-capita income in Bozeman, there is no way these homes are going to be "affordable."

Nevertheless, on the one chance I had to vote on this policy, I supported it. "Guilt relief" has its place if it holds worse options at bay, such as requiring buyers to meet income limitations, or putting ceilings on house prices, or putting in place other bureaucratic requirements similar to the rules that emerged from rent control in New York City.

All in all, inflicting a blow against freedom, but taking a big step toward "reasonableness," I voted to keep the plan.

By the time I voted on affordable housing, I was already an old hand at compromising my principles. I had started with Bozeman's downtown. This area, a small section of Main Street and a few cross streets, contains boutiques, restaurants, and bars (including an upscale wine bar). It is busy and successful. A number of the early 20th-century buildings have been restored to their original brick facades; the area is relatively easy to reach; and a tony residential area is nearby.

For years, the Bozeman Downtown Association has had a gentlemen's agreement that the first floors of all buildings within the downtown area would be retail stores. Retail, apparently, does not include real estate agencies. A year or so ago, a real estate agent opened an office on a first floor. Because she was a popular figure (on the symphony board and so forth), she was allowed to operate in peace, especially since she also set up an art gallery along with her business. But the downtowners quickly asked the city to adopt an ordinance that excludes any first-floor business other than retail.

And I voted for it. I restricted freedom. Here's why.

First, I have a unscientific but still strong intuition that downtowns are disproportionately important to their cities. If retail in every building is going to protect the downtown, I'm for it in spite of its bearing on liberty.

People living in the neighborhood resented having their section of town called "blighted" — perhaps not realizing the financial bonanza that being blighted provides.

And then there is that "being effective" business. Even at the lowest levels of political activity, you have to look "reasonable" and "open." Otherwise you are written off as an ideologue and (perhaps more importantly) you lose the potential for log-rolling. If I don't support some of their proposals, they won't support mine, and my feeble attempt at log-rolling will be cut off in midstream. I was bothered by some other things that the downtowners were doing (such as inflicting payment for a parking garage on the rest of the city), and I thought I might vote against some of those. So I set myself up for being viewed as "reasonable," with the hope that I might get a little log-rolling going in the future.

It turned out that the downtowners made an end-run around local government and got Montana's congressional delegation to earmark $4 million in the 2005 federal transportation bill for the parking garage (do you get the connection — parking lots and transportation?) So I never got to raise questions about the parking garage (until it became a national issue, but that's another story). On the other hand, I did have a chance to question other maneuvers of a similar ilk. In fact, my one contribution to liberty was helping spark a discussion about tax increment financing, or TIFs.

A TIF is a method of paying for improvements in a specific geographical area. Once an area is designated as blighted and becomes an urban renewal district (required under state law), all additional property taxes that come in (beyond the existing level) will be set aside for use in that particular area, typically for infrastructure. There is a time limit on the TIF, usually around 15 years.

The Bozeman City Commission has big plans for this method of financing. A few years ago, I thought the downtown TIF district was a great idea. I didn't realize that this new money was, in a sense, being withheld from the rest of the city's taxpayers. All new tax moneys taken from downtown property (beyond the tax collected annually before the TIF began) is used for the downtown rather than general city purposes. So other city taxpayers have to shoulder a greater share of the citywide burden.

Even so, I don't mind the downtown TIF. It's all the other proposed TIFs that bother me. One is in an old mixed-use neighborhood that has been experiencing a renaissance. Some private developers successfully pushed for designating it as "blighted" so that a TIF district can be created. In fact, they hurried the designation along so that any investment the developer made in 2006 would "count," thus maximizing the amount of taxes that would go into the TIF. The process was so quick that it aroused an angry reaction from people living in the neighborhood. They resented having their section of town called "blighted" — perhaps not realizing the financial bonanza that being blighted provides.

Another street segment is going to become a TIF district. North Seventh Avenue is an entryway to the city that is bordered by dull commercial buildings such as a tire store and a U-Haul outlet, but it also has a few restaurants and casinos. These owners will benefit if a TIF produces revenues that can be used (as some hope) for new lights and sidewalks, to make the street more elegant and inviting. Also in the works are two industrial TIFs ("TIFits"). A city commissioner justifies these on the grounds that Bozeman, unlike most cities, doesn't give big tax breaks or special incentives to new businesses. Just TIFits, he hopes.

Well, this time I drew the line. I raised questions about the TIFs, and ultimately we had a frank discussion about them. I didn't change anything, but I introduced some transparency. And that may be the best thing that this weak-kneed libertarian can do on the planning board.

Indeed, I may not be able to accomplish anything more because I think my tenure on the board is about to end. The political winds are blowing, and the November election will probably eliminate the conservatives' briefly-held majority on the city commission, and they were the ones to appoint me in the first place. My political career is probably going to be a short one.

Well, at least I can get back to being principled.

© Copyright 2008, Liberty Foundation


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