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September 2007
Volume 21,
Number 9

Sicko, directed by Michael Moore. Dog Eat Dog Films, 2007, 113 minutes.


The Sicko Scam

by Patrick Quealy

I liked "Bowling for Columbine," which makes me a minority of nearly one among libertarians and conservatives. It mystifies me that this should be so. It portrayed a citizen militia in a reasonably sympathetic light. It admitted without argument that it wasn't necessarily bad for millions of guns to be in private hands. Moore talked a lot about guns, but the thesis of the film was that Americans have been primed to fear everything, and are making poor life choices and political choices as a result. You don't have to be a modern liberal to agree with that.

Patrick Quealy is publisher of Liberty. He may be found in his natural habitat, a Seattle coffee shop.

"Bowling for Columbine" took cheap shots and got facts wrong. It was not a technically meritorious documentary. But even through its many flaws, it made a worthwhile point about American culture, and an intelligent person could get something out of it, unlike the hysterical "Fahrenheit 9/11" — and unlike Moore's most recent film, "Sicko."

Moore says at the beginning that millions of Americans are uninsured, but that "Sicko" isn't about them: it's about the problems faced by those who are insured. That sounds reasonable, even nuanced; one might expect that what followed would be more than a discussion of the number of uninsured people in America and a call for universal, single-payer, socialized health care. Perhaps Moore would consider some of the huge practical problems with changing health care so drastically, or accurately portray a few of the major drawbacks of socialized health care. Instead, Moore sets the question up as a choice between two alternatives: the status quo vs. socialized medicine. "Sicko" inevitably becomes a paean to state-run health care.

We're shown horror stories of people who have dealt with HMOs. There's the man who lost two fingertips in an accident, whose policy would only cover reattaching one of them. There's the poor woman who was ejected from a hospital and put in a cab that dumped her at the curb of a charity on Skid Row. There's the woman whose infant daughter died from complications of a fever because the insurance company delayed treating her, as she was not brought to an "in-network" emergency room. These and other outrages against basic decency ought not to happen. But everybody already knew they were happening — right? "Sicko" is making waves because it's news to many people that HMOs cut corners and save costs any way they can, sometimes compromising patients' health. What rocks have these people been living under?

"I always thought the health insurance companies were there to help us," begins Moore's introduction to the segment on HMOs. Well, they're not they're to help us. They're there to make a profit by helping us, which is a different matter. Moore knows this, as he soon admits, laying the blame for everything that's wrong with health care at the feet of Richard Nixon, whose administration ushered in the managed-care model. In an excerpt from the Watergate tapes, Nixon is heard being talked into HMOs because they're for-profit and "the incentives run the right way."

It's news to fans of "Sicko" that HMOs save costs any way they can, sometimes compromising patients' health. What rocks have these people been living under?

A question at this point occurred to me about an anecdote from earlier in the film. A woman with cancer, and her husband who had several heart attacks, had incurred too many medical bills. They had to declare bankruptcy, sell their house, and move into the woman's daughter's spare room. Those dastardly insurance companies!

Moore let slip, though, several facts which were supposed to make this couple sympathetic: they had been gainfully employed (the husband in a unionized, presumably well-paying trade job); they had six kids, all of whom went to college; and the expenses that broke them were deductibles and copays.

I cannot imagine any collection of deductibles (maybe a thousand dollars) and copayments (ten dollars here, twenty there) that could bankrupt an employed couple that had saved responsibly, when they had six college-educated, presumably successful children on whom they could call for help. The best the kids could do is let them crash in a spare room? There's something wrong with that scene. If you're going to blame a president for it, blame FDR or LBJ, who did far more than Nixon to replace the family with the welfare state.

Moore thinks he's contrasting free-market medicine with socialism. He is actually contrasting various sorts of socialism, highlighting the failures of the lightly socialized American managed-care system and highlighting the successes of the fully socialized Canadian system and the heavily socialized French and British systems.

Moore does not talk to one of those admirable American doctors who refuse to see Medicare patients or bill insurance companies, so that he may run an inexpensive fee-for-service clinic accessible to the poor. There he'd find competitive, affordable prices, short wait times, and service that is responsive to consumer wishes.

A girl in a waiting room for a Canadian health facility tells Moore: "We know, like, in America people pay for their health care, but I guess we just don't really understand, like, we don't understand that concept because we don't have to deal with that." Just so.

A French doctor describes French medicine as a system in which "you pay according to your means, and you receive according to your needs." Well.

Moore tells a French woman, cradling her newborn and standing next to a government-provided aide: "Nobody from the government comes to your home in America and does your laundry if you're a new mother." The new mother responds: "Difficult." American mothers have it tough. (Another woman says the difference between America and France is that in America people are afraid of the government, afraid of getting out and protesting. It seems more likely that the Americans, unlike the French, have jobs to be at.)

A former British MP says that socialized health care began with democracy: what democracy did was to give the poor the vote, and it moved power "from the wallet to the ballot." Another way of saying it moved the power to spend money "from those who earned it to those who wanted it."

"Sicko" is already best known for its ending, in which Moore takes ailing World Trade Center rescue workers to Cuba to get health care they can't afford in the U.S.

This sort of disingenuous device apparently seems harmless and beneficent to Moore — justifiable white lies to tell a convincing story. But he knows better than to pass it off as completely factual, which is why he plainly says, when asked, that his films aren't supposed to be documentaries: he has a point of view and he wants to convince you of it. He tells a story, and he does it in such a faux-naif way that you'd have to be pretty dense to eat it up. He knows full well, however, that a great many Americans are pretty dense. He counts on it. They are learning from Moore what kind of health care they want, and asking to get it good and hard.

But any person with the IQ of a turnip can see how convoluted the Cuba sequence is. It was so obvious, I thought, that I couldn't really hold Moore responsible. You'd have to want to be deceived to believe this Potemkin hospital and its doctors represented the kind of care ordinary Cubans get. You could almost hear Fidel in the room next door, still recuperating from his intestinal surgery, gasping orders over his respirator that the American visitors be cured and sent home to tell their countrymen of the merits of Cuban medicine.

"Bowling for Columbine," "Fahrenheit 9/11," and "Sicko" share the same repackaged premise: we should cut defense spending, and increase the size and scope of the welfare state, to make America a better place. Three times is enough; he should try making a different film.

If Moore wants to know what wonders the government can work in reforming health care, he need only look at the tender mercies visited by the feds upon AIDS and cancer patients who legally use medicinal marijuana, or terminally ill people who are denied experimental treatments. The jackboot or the invisible hand? — I'll take my chances with the latter, thanks.

© Copyright 2010, Liberty Foundation


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